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No part of this publication may be reproducedor transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanicalwithout prior permission in writing from the publishers. Ethnic Nationalism vs. Apart from a few remarkableexceptions, such exchanges have tended to be dialogues of the deaf. Forthe sake of drawing a contrast with the present undertaking, let me illustratethis with an example from the not too remote past.

Some of the authors of the papers collected in this volume may barelybe old enough to recall the full span of the controversy launched by thepublication of the three-volume History of Transylvania under the auspicesof the Hungarian Academy of Sciences in After the fall of communismin both countries inthe debate was indeed placed on a morescholarly plane.

Evidence was countered by evidence, but in what was stilla contest between one national phalanx and the other on issues that bothof them regarded as crucial to national fate.

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This probably looks like a caricature, and there was surely a lot ofgoodwill and true scholarship involved in the process, but as all caricatures,I believe it contains more than a grain of a realistic portrait. Scholarshipof this kind, even unwittingly, tends to assume a kind of negative7 elevance, underpinning and potentially amplifying the prejudices andstigmatization already all too prevalent in the reciprocal perceptions ofthe parties concerned.

Against this background, it is particularly important and reassuringthat there are several scholars at both sides of the putative frontier, someof them at the very beginning of their careers, who are making efforts totranscend the limitations imposed by traditional patterns of inquiry andcommunication.

It is an especial pleasure to see that the History Departmentof Central European University, as it was intended from the verybeginning of its existence, is developing as a natural home for such initiatives. Part of the CEU mission is to function as a laboratory in which themost up-to-date experience and achievement in the disciplines representedat CEU is tested against the particular predicament of the region andadjusted according to its needs, and to operate as a catalyst which, throughan active engagement with an increasing range of regional partners — suchas, in this case, the Teleki Institute —, helps the region to integrate withmore universal processes.

The architects of this volume and the conferencefrom which it arises, have been active for a few years now in creatingnetworks for a new type of academic socialization while relying on a combinationof solid theoretical training and broad empirical investigation.

Their ownindependent initiatives as well as their astonishingly rapid integration withlarger scale international schemes, such as the projects of the Center forDemocracy and Reconciliation in Southeast Europe, certainly bid well forthe enterprise. This volume is the first token of their commitment anda convincing proof of their qualifications to cope with a formidable task.

I am sure the reader will join me in wishing them — us — all success in it. On the one hand, a process of political democratization andintegration into Western economic and security institutions was initiated,stimulating a certain level of intra-regional collaboration as well.

On theother hand, the difficulties of the transition to market economy and parliamentarismled to a radicalization of ethno-populist movements, creatinga space for political groups who seek to exploit inter-ethnic tensions. Furthermore,in spite of the cultural-political reorientation, inter-ethnic relationsand mutual perceptions have not been essentially modified: conflictinghistorical myths, prejudices, and negative stereotypes have survived unalteredand continue to characterize the collective identity discourses in theregion.

The relationship between Romania and Hungary is illustrative inthis respect. At the interstate level, their bilateral relationship has undergonea spectacular evolution in the last decade, from intense diplomaticconflict to diplomatic collaboration and politico-military partnership. Thetwo countries have overcome their acute confrontation over the status ofthe Hungarian minority in Romania that reached its climax in the lates, the inter-ethnic violence in Tîrgu Mureº ken hada pro anti aging laboras well as thefreezing of diplomatic contacts between andand have managedto build a more positive framework of cooperation.

Even if one can witness a certain setback in political collaborationin the lates, there are indications that the political elitesof the two countries have significantly restrained the nationalist side oftheir political agenda as far as foreign policy is concerned. Negativeclichés ken hada pro anti aging labor reciprocal stigmatization continue to pervade the public memory,the political and the cultural discourse, as well as the academic productionof knowledge.

In fact, while decision-makers in Romania andHungary became somewhat more conciliatory, one can witness an upsurgeof radical ethno-politics in both countries, triggering similar reactions inacademia, among cultural elites and — rather unexpectedly — among theuniversity youth, as well. This creates a vast playground for politicians relyingon a nationalist symbolism to legitimize their political positions. What ismore, throughout the s, public opinion in both countries witnessed thereturn of virtual history asserting various forms of national and territorialcontinuities, pedigrees, historical precedence, etc.

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One of the main reasons for the lack of symbolic resources necessaryfor a large-scale intercultural dialogue is doubtlessly the limited impact onpublic opinion of those scholarly discourses that are transgressing the traditionalframework of the nation-state. At the academic level, the firstpost-communist decade was characterized by rather timorous attempts inthe fields of historiography and social sciences, such as sociology andcultural anthropology, to reconsider the socio-political and intellectualhistory of Romania and Hungary from updated theoretical and methodologicalperspectives.

However, the critical revision of hegemonic historiographicalcanons through an inter-cultural dialogue and an effective renegotiationof the prominent identity-discourses of these cultures is an issuethat remains to be tackled in Hungary and Romania, and in the widerregion as well.

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As the Eastern European cultural space is marked by highly divergentnation-state centered narratives, most of the cooperative attempts inthe last decade resulted in a pastiche that did not problematize the broaderframeworks, but rather sought to accumulate various narratives andaccentuate their mind-boggling plurality and seeming incompatibility.

Theonly way out of this deadlock is to promote scholarly enterprises thattransgress the traditional frameworks of cooperation and are based oncommon socialization. Throughout the region, there is an endemic lack ofinstitutions where a common academic socialization could happen.

Among the few, Central European University in Budapest, Hungary —where most of the contributors ken hada pro anti aging labor the present volume have studied or continuetheir studies — features prominently. To this end, the first part of the volume, entitled Modernity andNational Identity: Approaches, Dilemmas, Legacies, analyzes variousmodalities of the relationship of nationalism with other doctrines andvalue-systems such as liberalism, democracy, or moral universalism.

Thissection documents a significant shift in this relationship during the last years. The nineteenth century saw the parallel emergence of liberalismand nationalism; these two ideologies were not only compatible, but, incertain cases, mutually conditioned each other. In contrast, the twentiethcentury saw the collapse of this fragile harmony, with nationalism perceivedas antagonistic to personal and institutional liberty. Although focusing on the oeuvre of a particular historian, theessay has much wider implications: on the one hand, it is a reconstructionof the mental map of nineteenth-century liberal nationalism, on the otherhand, it is an attempt to explore the possible analytical strategies of tacklingthe historiographical canons of the region, while abandoning the traditionalnation-centered narratives.

If the nineteenth century witnessed various modalities of the coexistenceof liberal and nationalist value-systems, meant a radical rupture. The new situation, after World War I, was marked by the emergence of variousdiscourses questioning the compatibility of the cause of liberty with thecause of the community, especially in the case of socio-political turmoils.

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Transylvanism, the ideology professed by these intellectuals,is occasionally seen as a regionalist mode of self-definition, or it is defined asa detailed plan of political action strictly designed for the Hungarian minorityin Romania. While the authorpoints out the protean nature of Transylvanism in general, she also assertsthat a contextual reconstruction of its origins as a political ideology for theHungarian minority in the s is rewarding. In order to understand the process of cultural reorganization of theminority group in the context of a nationalizing state, one has to look intothe shift of the ideological landscape that occurred afterespecially inview of the re-evaluation of the role of the state.

The author points out that Zeletin challengedthe ideological traditions of his time. Repudiating the idea that liberalismwas merely an intellectual fashion imported from the West, Zeletinattempted to localize its emergence in the cleavage between the boyars, utilizingquasi-Marxist analytical tools to document the class-basis of politics.

According to the author, Zeletin touched upon the inherent ambivalence ofthe liberal discourse in post-World War I Romania, aiming at national12 Searching for Common Groundsautarchy and modernization simultaneously. While the liberal political elitesought to retain the democratic surface, they envisaged a process of industrialization,financed from a brutal reallocation of capital to the detriment ofthe agrarian population and the minorities.

Ultimately, the etatist logic ofnation-building devoured its own instruments and opened the ground fora radically anti-modernist ethno-politics. In Central and Southeast Europe, these dilemmas reached theirclimax in the s, when the discursive space was effectively expropriatedby autochthonist cultural discourses. The outcomewas an organicist, or even biologistic, conception of cultural unity,completely undermining the contractual and inclusivist model of nationstatehood.

While reconsidering some of the major assumptions of thisdiscourse, the paper gives a creative re-reading of these debates in viewof the cultural embeddedness of philosophical inquiry and the — not negligible— intellectual challenge posed by radical anti-modernism.

The legacy of interwar discourses of integrist nationalism is tangibleeven today. Of course, one cannot speak of an uncontaminated continuity,rather of a curious interaction of national romanticism, the ideas originatingin the interwar period, and the national communist synthesisemerging in the late s. Thisscandal brought to light very deep cultural tensions, hidden by the currenteconomic crisis and the problems of socio-economic transition. The principal conclusion ofthe paper is that a radical reform of history teaching and, consequently, ofthe historical consciousness will be extremely painful and troublesomewithout a fundamental change in the broader cultural framework.

The second part of the book, Nation-Building and Regionalism ina Multi-Ethnic Context, analyzes specific instances of cultural and politicalinteraction between different ethnic communities in the context of theprojects of nation-statehood. The author points out that the mechanismsof assimilation used in Dobrogea by the Romanian political elitesprefigured the more complex and arduous process of administrative integrationand cultural homogenization that took place in interwar GreaterRomania.

In order to foster the incorporationof the province, Romanian political elites designed a threefoldmechanism composed of ethnic colonization, cultural homogenizationand economic modernization.

It is an intriguing question what made certain projects of nationbuildingand national homogenization more successful than others. Providingan instructive case study of this problem, Cristina Petrescu discussessome aspects of the national identity formation in the case of theRomanian-speaking population in the territory between the rivers Prutand Dnester. In the last two centuries, this region was continuously disputedby Russia — then the Soviet Union — and the Romanian nation-state inthe making, and changed repeatedly its state affiliation, until it emergedin as an independent republic.

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From the Romanian point-of-view, itis often argued that the Moldavian national identity was forged by Sovietpropaganda. However, the overwhelming majority of Moldavians asserttoday that they represent a different national community, based on specificcultural traditions.

This essay seeks to cut through this dilemma, pointingout that the current Moldavian national identity has its roots in theinterwar period, when the Romanian homogenizing state did not succeedin transforming the pre-modern regional identity of the Romanian-speakingpopulation of Bessarabia into a modern, Romanian national identity.

In many ways, these issues have not lost their relevance. In general terms, the survey focused on the maindilemma that a member of a national minority is confronting, namely theduality of belonging.

This duality generates ambiguities at less formal levels, suchas group loyalties, inter-personal relations, attitudes and opinions. Thereare many situations when the two dimensions can be conflicting.

The author considers that one should use the conceptof nationalizing minority instead of national minority, because the formercaptures the dynamics of ken hada pro anti aging labor national minority and offers a betterexplanation of East-Central European nationalisms.

Presenting some of the politicalconflicts characterizing the Hungarian minority in Romania, the authorargues that since the nation will not loose its salience in the foreseeablefuture, the politics of nationalizing states and nationalizing minorities willcontinue to determine the political agenda in the region.

It remains an open question whether the spasms of unfinished nationbuildingon the part of the majorities and minorities will effectively blockthe way of certain post-communist countries towards full integration intothe Euro-Atlantic political ken hada pro anti aging labor economic structures.

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It is in view of thisdilemma that Dragoº Petrescu analyzes the relationship between ethnic16 Searching for Common Groundshomogeneity and democratic consolidation in post-communist East-CentralEurope. The author argues that in Romania, as compared with Hungary,Poland, or the Czech Republic, the post-communist transformation wasdelayed by an outburst of ethnic nationalism.

In his view, it was a complexinterplay of political and cultural-historical issues, involving the Romanianmajority, the Hungarian minority in Romania and the Hungarian government,that created an environment less favorable for democratic transformation.

The paper concludes that the process ofdemocratic consolidation is conditioned not only by a triadic scheme ofcooperation of the nationalizing state, the national minority and thenational homelandbut also by a fourth critical factor, i.

Smith, or Benedict Anderson, there are some scholarswhose works on the region have been extremely influential and providedcommon references for most of the contributors.